Parsons' work has been
criticized for several reasons. One has been the comparatively meagre
attention he paid to inequalities of power, wealth, and other social
rewards. Other social theorists, including functionalists like the
U.S. sociologist Robert K. Merton, have given these distributional
properties a more central place in their concepts of social structure. For
Merton and others, the social structure consists not only of
normative patterns but also of the inequalities of power, status, and
material privileges, which give the members of a society widely different
opportunities and alternatives. In complex societies
these inequalities define different strata, or classes, which form the
stratification system, or class structure, of the society. Both
aspects of the social structure, the normative and the distributive aspect,
are strongly interconnected, as may be inferred from the observation
that members of different classes often have different and even
conflicting norms and values. This leads to a
consideration contrary to structural functionalism: certain norms in a
society may be established, not because of any general consensus about
their moral value, but because they are forced upon the population by
those who have both the interest and the power to do so. To take one
example, the "norms" of apartheid in South Africa reflect the interests
and values of only one section of the population, which has the power to
enforce them upon the majority. In theories of class and
power this argument has been generalized: norms, values, and ideas
are explained as the result of the power inequalities between
groups with conflicting interests.
The most influential
theory of this type has been Marxism, or historical materialism. The Marxian
view is succinctly summarized in Marx's phrase that "the ideas of
the ruling class are, in every age, the ruling ideas." These ideas are regarded
as reflections of class interests and are connected to the power
structure, which is identified with the class structure.
This Marxian model,
which was claimed to be particularly valid for capitalist societies,
has met with several criticisms. One basic problem is its distinction
between economic structure and spiritual superstructure, which
are identified with social being and consciousness,
respectively. This suggests that economic activities and relations are in
themselves somehow not conscious, as if they were conceivable without
knowing and thinking human beings. Nevertheless, the
Marxian model has become influential even among non-Marxist social
scientists. The distinction between material structure and
non material superstructure continues to be reflected in sociological textbooks
as the distinction between social structure and culture. Social
structure here refers to the ways people are interrelated or interdependent;
culture refers to the ideas, knowledge, norms, customs, and
capacities that they have learned and share as members of a society.
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